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However, some caution must be exerted here because the use of albore in the feminine is attested in ancient Italian since between and [ 38 ]. Even more caution is required in relation to guai or guay , an interjection of sorrow still used today with that sense in Italian [ , ]. In fact its use was not limited to Italy of the time, and much earlier examples of its use can be found in Cancioneiro Geral compiled by Garcia de Resende and published in Lisbon in [ 83 ] f. In short, essentially due to errors deliberate or not or to an eventual grammatical undefinition still unresolved despite the almost complete settling of the Portuguese that had happened by s [ ] p.

That is not to put aside the possibility that searching deeper, especially before the s, would not reveal other cases where tree or trees were mentioned in the masculine. Also, we are fully aware that the only sources available to us are written ones, leaving in an unavoidable obscurity the much more frequent oral speech. The difference in Portuguese between the sound b and v , or the lack of difference, is beyond the scope of this article.

Nevertheless, pronouncing v as if it was a b is not only a break from the cultivated norm [ ] p. There it can also be found that the gender of nouns used to name fruit trees is generally feminine in Portuguese, as are the fruits they produce. However, when the fruit is in the masculine, the name of the tree that produces it usually is also written in the masculine [ ] p. Therefore, we set out to examine the gender in Portuguese of individual fruit trees and of the edible fruits they produce and how it compares with other Latin-derived languages.

4.1. Characterization of Alto Minho Region, in Northern Portugal

For this we prepared a list of 36 fruit trees for which we could identify gender of all or of most part of them in Latin as well as in Asturian, Barranquenho, Castilian, Catalan, French, Galician, Italian, Mirandese, Occitan, Romansh and Romanian. To be included in the list, fruit trees had to have their name in Portuguese derived from the fruit they produce as is generally the rule in Portuguese and other languages [ , ]. Binomial names were obtained from common names in Portuguese using [ ] followed by a check of synonymy and authorship using [ ]. Numerical characterizations and analyses were always performed in terms of feminine gender, as opposed to non-feminine which in general means masculine because in Latin and Romanian non-feminine has also to include the neuter.

In addition, Latin, being the origin from where the other languages evolved, will never be considered in the analyses unless its inclusion is explicitly stated. However, names of fruits in Latin are almost never masculine only in the case of dates but instead almost always neuter Figure 7 b.

The data shows a reduction of frequency of feminine names in fruit trees in relation to Latin in all Latin-derived languages examined, with percentages above the median and thus closer to Latin occurring in more peripheral areas of Iberian Peninsula in Romansh also, but very close to the median. The data also shows an increase of frequency of feminine names in edible fruits produced by trees in relation to Latin in all Latin-derived languages examined, with percentages below the median and thus closer to Latin occurring always in Iberian Peninsula the exception being Catalan.

This suggests a different and opposite general pattern of evolution from the predominant neuter in edible fruits in Latin to predominantly feminine forms in Latin-derived languages. Such generalized transformation of the neuter into feminine might relate with the general transformation of plural neuters in Latin into singular feminine in Latin-derived languages.

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However, in other cases the opposite occurred. Conversely, instead of being unidirectional as in the variation of gender in trees and fruits, the evolution of the percentage of gender agreement from Latin to Latin-derived languages is clearly bidirectional. However, gender agreement is a derived variable depending on the primary variables gender of fruit trees and gender of their fruits. Therefore, we set up to investigate the relationship, if any, between percentages of gender agreement and of feminine trees or fruits.

For this we used two separate but complementary approaches.

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The first is graphic and involves plotting the percentage of complete agreement in gender against the percentage of feminine names in fruit trees Figure 8 a or, separately against the percentage of feminine names in their fruits Figure 8 b. All statistics were done with Statgraphics 4. Quadrant I in the biplot of feminine trees and gender agreement Figure 8 a, upper right , is occupied by Portuguese, Barranquenho and Mirandese and is characterized by high values of feminine names and especially by high values of gender agreement.

Counter-clockwise from the upper right, quadrant II is essentially empty, only marginally occupied by Galician. Therefore, low values of feminine names and high values of gender agreement essentially do not come together in Latin-derived languages. Galician is almost equidistant Euclidian distances from Mirandese, Barranquenho and Romansh and nearer to Asturian than it is to Portuguese. Finally, quadrant IV is characterized by high values of feminine trees and low values of gender agreement and is occupied by Latin and, marginally by Asturian which in this aspect is the Latin-derived language nearest to Latin, followed at some distance by Galician.

A closer look at Figure 8 a makes clear that the percentage of feminine trees and of gender agreement covary similarly, with Asturian slightly deviant from the linear trend of the two variables. The presence of the apparently outlier Asturian clearly does not prevent the outcome of a very large r and thus of a very strong association between feminine trees and gender agreement. As remarked above, Portuguese, Barranquenho and Mirandese are located at quadrant I in Figure 8 a with a relatively high value of feminine trees together with a high value of gender agreement between trees and fruit trees.

This necessarily implies a high value of feminine fruits and their location in quadrant I of the biplot of feminine fruits and gender agreement Figure 8 b, upper right. In Figure 8 b, Galician occupies essentially the same place it occupied in Figure 8 a. It is again almost equidistant Euclidian distances from Mirandese, Barranquenho and Romansh but almost at the same distance to Asturian or Portuguese. Quadrant II is basically empty while Latin and Asturian for one side and all the remaining Latin-derived languages necessarily change quadrants. Asturian is again the Latin-derived language nearest to Latin, now followed at some distance by Castilian.

However, a closer look at Figure 8 b fails to reveal the clear trend observed in Figure 8 a. Instead it appears that two independent patterns of association might exist. One including Galician, Romansh, Catalan, Occitan, Italian, French, and Romanian in which the percentage of feminine fruits and of gender agreement show an inverse association, the other including Galician again plus Barranquenho, Mirandese, and Portuguese showing a direct association.

In addition, Asturian again and Castilian appear slightly deviant from the two linear trends of variation described. Analyses of correlation essentially support this graphically-based reasoning. Being the language from where the others evolved, we have until now always kept Latin removed from analyses. In short, feminine trees and gender agreement appear to be directly associated in all Latin-derived languages. An inverse association appears to be present for feminine fruits and gender agreement provided that Asturian and Castilian are discarded. However, this latter association seems to result from two separate processes, namely a strong inverse association involving all non-Iberian languages plus Galician and Catalan, and a presumably weaker association involving only western-most Iberian languages but, somehow surprisingly, only if Latin is also included.

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Taking as good the existence of those separate processes, even if their underlying causes are not clear to us, it is conceivable that each process can be algebraically described by the straight-line if any exists, that best fits the distribution of languages involved in each process. Looking at Figure 8 b or having in mind that all languages are in the same geometric plane and that Galician belongs to the two data sets and thus participates in the two processes, then the two-straight lines cross somewhere in the vicinity of Galician, and the angle they form can be measured.

Despite this, Asturian and Castilian had to be excluded and Latin had to be included in the weakest associated group. Nevertheless, the two processes essentially lead to the same outcome in Galician. Finally, we will examine the variation of feminine trees and feminine fruits Figure 9. As should be expected Portuguese, Mirandese and Barranquenho are located in quadrant I of high percentages of feminine names in both trees and fruits. The bulk of Latin-derived languages occupy quadrant II characterized by low percentages of feminine trees and high percentage of feminine fruits.

Quadrant III is totally empty. Quadrant IV, high percentage of feminine trees and low percentage of feminine fruits is essentially occupied by Latin, and marginally by Asturian, again the Latin-derived language nearest to Latin in this aspect and closely followed by Barranquenho. Galician is even more central than before. As happened with the variation of feminine trees and of gender agreement Figure 8 a , feminine trees and feminine fruits vary similarly but now inversely.

Mirandese, Barranquenho and Portuguese are slightly deviant from the linear trend of variation of the two variables. However, the presence in the analysis of the apparent outliers Mirandese, Barranquenho and Portuguese clearly prevent the outcome of a very large r , thus of a highly significant correlation and thus of a highly significant association between feminine trees and feminine fruits. In short, the evolution from Latin seems to consist of the reduction of frequency of the feminine in names of fruit trees simultaneously with an increase of the feminine in the names of fruits, a trend from which Portuguese and the intimately related Mirandese and Barranquenho are partly absent.

Two clearly distinct groups of Latin-derived languages can be identified, one of Western and Northwestern Iberian languages including Portuguese, Mirandese, Barranquenho, Galician and Asturian, the other of non-Iberian languages plus Castilian and Catalan. In addition, rates of gender inversion are frequently the highest in French when other categories of - arius derivatives by suffixation are examined. Conversely, Portuguese always presents and frequently by far, the lowest rates of gender inversion.

A higher value is only found in Romanian Figure 7 b and gender inversion occurs in almost all the derived names of fruit trees. When there is no gender inversion, the names of the fruit and of the fruit tree are both masculine. However, in Portuguese the occurrence of feminine names in fruit trees is not overwhelming as the occurrence of masculine names in French is. This led us to question whether the same occurs when non-fruit trees are considered. Therefore, we prepared a list of names of non-fruit trees corresponding to at least 47 different species see Supplementary Materials, Table S3.

Sources for common names were essentially references [ 36 , , ]. Binomial names were obtained from common names in Portuguese using [ 36 , ] followed by a check of synonymy and authorship using [ ]. Names of non-fruit trees are essentially masculine, as should be expected if no cause for gender assignment is in place, the masculine being attributed by default. Names of fruit trees seem to have the gender taken from their names in Latin and also seem to serve as base to the gender of the name of their fruits. Conversely, linguistic explanations are worth looking for in those Latin-derived languages where the gender of tree changed, which as we have seen were almost all.

A linguistic explanation for French was presented in [ ] and is summarized above, but searching for explanations in relation to all other Latin-derived languages is undoubtedly beyond the scope of this article. This is clearly an extra-linguistic explanation and no further arguments were presented to substantiate why animism and association with reproduction were attributes of Portuguese, and how and why such attributes were absent or were lost in all other Latin-derived languages where the gender of tree changed to masculine.

Portuguese is the Latin-derived language closest to Latin in what concerns the gender of fruit trees, which are predominantly feminine entities as they were in Latin. Chance alone can hardly be responsible for these outcomes or for the positioning of Portuguese in biplots of the relationships between feminine trees and gender agreement and of feminine fruits and gender agreement Figure 8 or between feminine trees and feminine fruits Figure 9.


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A number of factors might have been in place for such close proximity between Portuguese and Latin in this subject. Among others it is worth remarking that that the Romance evolving in Portugal was strongly influenced by the Latin used in legal and religious contexts [ ] p.


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  • Even in the 16th and early 17th centuries, the greater resemblance of Portuguese to Latin in comparison with other Latin-derived languages in use in the Iberian Peninsula was recognized by Spanish grammarians. In a grammar aimed at non-native Castilian speakers wanting to learn the common language of Spain [ ], published in Louvain Belgium in , the unknown author candidly recognizes that Portuguese is closer to Latin than what he calls the common language of Spain [ ] p.

    Also important was certainly the adoption of Portuguese in all official and legal documents that was imposed by the royal chancellery during the reign of King Dinis ruled between and , Latin being left for liturgical use of the church alone. This was a remarkably precocious adoption of a common language for secular and governmental use not only in the Iberian Peninsula but in Europe at large [ 70 ] p. The close proximity between Portuguese and classic Latin could not but help the settling of the former as much as possible along the lines determined by the latter.

    Supplementary Materials The following are available online at www. A review; Supplementary S2: Paucity of reference to tree s in Portuguese through time.

    omonenasnya.ml The authors thank Iris Dias for preliminary translations and gender assignment to Catalan and Castilian. Two anonymous reviewers for comments and suggestions made to earlier versions of this paper. Despite having been printed for the first time in the manuscript of the usually called Logic of Port-Royal certainly preceded the print by some years. See for example chapters 21—24 in [ 22 ]. See [ 23 ]. An extensive review and discussion of the history, iconography and relationships among metaphorical trees can be found in [ 27 ].

    For an earlier edition of the grammar but lacking the grammatical tree dated from and filed without mention of publisher and place of publication see [ 30 ]. The first book printed in Portugal was the Pentateuch , in Hebrew, which was finished in Faro on 30 July in the printing house of Samuel Gacon [ 59 ] pp. Tree in the feminine is mentioned in ff. Raphael Bluteau was a French Theatin born in in London, raised in France and Italy, who came to Portugal by where he had an intense oratory and preaching activity.